Amazigh tattoos in Morocco: symbols, life and identity

Amazigh tattoos in Morocco: symbols, life and identity

Identity and future

Amazigh tattoos

Published July 3, 2025

Have you ever wondered how identity isn’t just expressed in words, but also lives in daily gestures, and is inscribed on skin? Among Amazigh women in Morocco, traditional tattoos are not mere decoration but a living visual language. Each mark—from spirals to crescents—speaks of resilience, protection, fertility, and the cycles of time. So, in this blog, I’d like to explore the world of permanent Amazigh tattoos, focusing on Morocco.

Amazigh tattoos and their meaning

What is the meaning behind Amazigh tattoos? Like I said, permanent Amazigh tattoos are far more than mere embellishments; you could say that they are a visual language. That language expresses the world of women, and what mattered most to them. You will find references to protection from evil [1], to healing and beauty [2], but also to fertility and family [3] – a theme often found in women’s lives throughout the region, as you will find in several other articles on this blog!

See how that works in an Omani pendant here

See how mermaids are feared because of that here

And there is more that relates to their everyday world: symbols such as the crescent moon, spirals and circles acknowledge the cycles of time [4], similar to the meaning of crescents and spirals in jewellery, as I explore in this blog here.

Amazigh tattoos and the stages of life

The thing with tattoos is that they not just carry symbolism, but they are active agents themselves. They are connected to the stages of life and the social roles a person moved through, especially for women. From childhood into adulthood, Amazigh women’s body art marked key transitions. The first facial tattoo, known as “siyala” – a vertical line from the lower lip to the chin – was commonly applied at the onset of menstruation, symbolizing the transition into womanhood. [5] These marks were more than personal adornment: they communicated that a young woman was now part of a different social category, with new responsibilities and expectations.

Marriage was often accompanied by additional Amazigh tattoo traditions. Designs on the chin, forehead, or hands could mark fertility, family bonds, and readiness for motherhood. You could say that tattoos served almost like a visible record of biography.

For example, a square could be added to the skin after marriage to symbolize a new home [6]. For widows, there was even a tattoo extending from ear to ear, symbolizing their deceased husband’s beard [7].

And tattoos displayed tribal allegiances, making it clear to anyone which tribe the wearer belonged to.

These patterns and their meaning vary from region to region, from tribe to tribe, and throughout time: what carries meaning in one time and place, may be simply a pretty decoration in another.

Amazigh tattooing as a process

You could say that the process of getting such a tattoo was a ritual in itself, helping the wearer with that transition into the next stage of life. The tattooing process was typically carried out by a middle-aged woman from the wearer’s community [8]. These sessions were not merely transactional; they created a form of time used for exchanging advice and news, but also to talk about the upcoming changes in the life of the person being tattooed.

This would be a moment for the person being tattooed and her immediate family to gather and talk about shared experiences and offering advice for this new stage of life.

Why are Amazigh tattoos disappearing?

Like the use of silver jewellery, the tradition of Amazigh tattooing has significantly declined in recent decades. Why is that? There are several factors at play here.

Like in many areas of North Africa and Southwest Asia, the rise of Islamism after the 1970s has been a major factor in the decline of tattooing. Tattooing is considered a sin, as it alters what God has created. With more and more people adopting this viewpoint, carrying tattoos was frowned upon, and the practice started to disappear as a result of social pressure.

Combined with that development, tattoos also began to be regarded as old-fashioned and backward. [9]

See more on henna art as World Heritage here!

How are Amazigh tattoos revived?

Despite this decline, notably within the Amazigh diaspora there are to revitalize the tradition. There are many fabulous projects like the Timazighin-initiative by Raissa Lei, which aims to to connect the new generation with the traditions embodied by their grandmothers through jewellery, dress and the wearing of tattoos. These are temporary, but serve let the wearer experience what it is like to appear in her full ancestral regalia.[10]

These revival efforts aim to make the “invisible more visible” by celebrating Amazigh identity and history through art. A spectacular example was the 2025 Awad Summit in Paris.

Amazigh scholars, such as Malika Ouacha, do raise awareness against an Orientalist glorification of Amazigh traditions, and wanting to read ‘meaning’ into everything: she notes that seeking deep meanings for Amazigh tattoos might be misplaced, as many Amazigh women simply found them beautiful, or used patterns from crafts like weaving as practical memory aids [11]. Especially among a Western audience, the need to clarify patterns is high: I’m often baffled to read what made-up explanations of meaning people attribute to lines and patterns in jewellery, and for tattoos it is no different – it’s important to realise that sometimes, a design is just chosen because the wearer liked its form or shape. Meaning, form and even size of patterns change and evolve constantly: body aesthetic is a living heritage.

Empowering women: Amazigh tattoos as cultural identity

For Amazigh women, dress, facial tattoos, and jewellery collectively form a living representation of their cultural identity and their history. That identity is also present in the patterns in carpets, pottery, dress, and the decoration of houses: they are all rooted in the same North African heritage.

By reclaiming and safeguarding these traditions, Amazigh women transform their crafts into a source of economic empowerment through initiatives like cooperatives and other ways to create an income [12].

That is yet a new layer of meaning to an ancient tradition, and one that will carry body aesthetic into the future!


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References

[1] H. Mesouani 2019. Inked Bodies, Blank Pages: A Study of Amazigh Tattooing. MA-thesis, Illinois State University, p. 34.

[2] Mesouani, 34.

[3] Mesouani, 36.

[4] https://www.lilithmag.nl/blog/2021/6/4/ade-traditie-en-schoonheid-van-amazigh-gezichtstatoeages-uitgelegd.

[5] https://www.lilithmag.nl/blog/2021/6/4/ade-traditie-en-schoonheid-van-amazigh-gezichtstatoeages-uitgelegd.

[6] Mesouani, 38.

[7] https://amazightimes.nl/de-verdwijnende-amazigh-traditie-van-gezichts-en-lichaams-tattoos/

[8] https://amazightimes.nl/de-verdwijnende-amazigh-traditie-van-gezichts-en-lichaams-tattoos/

[9] B. Laghssais 2023. Amazigh Feminism Narratives: Aspirations, Agency, and Empowerment of Amazigh Women in the Southeast of Morocco, PhD-thesis, Universitat Jaume I, p. 345 – 346. Download the full thesis here for free (yay for open access!)

[10] See more on Timazighin here!

[11] https://www.lilithmag.nl/blog/2021/6/4/ade-traditie-en-schoonheid-van-amazigh-gezichtstatoeages-uitgelegd

[12] Laghssais, p. 358 – 405.

See other sources here:

History of Amazigh tattoos

https://www.newarab.com/features/amazigh-tattoos-are-fading-it-too-late-revive-them

The Bedouin Silver blog gives credit where credit is due! Transparent referencing and citing sources helps us all grow. Would you like to do the same and quote this article? Here’s how:

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The Bedouin Silver Jewellery Blog: Sigrid van Roode

Sigrid van Roode is an archeologist, ethnographer and jewellery historian. Her main field of expertise is jewellery from North Africa and Southwest Asia, as well as archaeological and archaeological revival jewellery. She has authored several books on jewellery, and obtained her PhD at Leiden University on jewellery, informal ritual and collections. Sigrid has lectured for the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden, Turquoise Mountain Jordan, and many others. She provides consultancy and research on jewellery collections for both museums and private collections, teaches courses and curates exhibitions. She is not involved in the business of buying and selling jewellery, and focuses on research, knowledge production, and education only. Sigrid strongly believes in accessibility of knowledge, and aims to provide reliable and trustworthy content: that’s why the Bedouin Silver blog provides references and citations.

Amazigh fibulas of North Africa

Amazigh fibulas of North Africa

Dress and jewellery

Amazigh fibulas of North Africa: jewellery and identity

Published June 24, 2025

It’s the most iconic piece of Amazigh jewellery in North Africa: the fibula or clothing fastener. From the Atlantic coast of Morocco to the oases of Libya, Amazigh fibulas are both functional and highly symbolic. What is more, they reflect regional identities, social structures, and even showcase connections between landscape, dress, and daily life. So, let’s have a look at these beautiful objects of adornment!

What are Amazigh fibulas? Use, names & regional styles

What are Amazigh fibulas used for? Fibulas basically serve as fasteners. You’ll find them used on a variety of garments, including outer wraps, shawls, and head coverings. Their forms vary by region and community, ranging from simple functional items to more elaborately worked items that may also carry symbolic meaning.

While you may find them repurposed into pendants, that is not how they were used originally: they really are pins!

That capacity of joining two things together is also why there is also a lot of informal ritual involving fibulas: see more about that here!

What is the correct term for Amazigh fibulas?

The term fibula is obviously not local; it comes from Latin, where it referred broadly to a clasp or brooch used to fasten clothing. The use of garment pins dates back much earlier, though – examples made from metal and bone have been found in Bronze Age contexts across Europe, the Mediterranean, and North Africa.

The specific form most common in North Africa today, the rotating ring-and-pin mechanism, is associated with Roman innovations in clothing fasteners. These Roman-era brooches, widely distributed across the empire, introduced a functional design that remained in use and was adapted across different cultures over time.

While fibula is the standard term used in archaeological and art historical literature, the objects themselves are known by a range of local names in Amazigh communities. In Morocco, they are referred to as tizerzai or tisernas; in Algeria, terms such as adwir or tabzimt are used; and in Tunisia and Libya, they are commonly known as khlel. These vernacular terms reflect linguistic diversity, but also a regional variation in design and use.

Anatomy of a fibula: ring, pin, head, and variation

The most common type of fibula found in North Africa is based on the penannular brooch design. That is a ring that is incomplete or open at one point. A typical fibula consists of three main components:

1. The head: a terminal or decorative element at the end of the pin;

2. The ring: a circular or penannular ring;

3. The pin itself.

These elements are visible in the illustration above.

The large crescent-shaped fibulas of Libya and Tunisia follow the same design, but have no head: in these types, the ring is aggrandized to the point where it also becomes the eye-catcher.

How do you actually fasten a fibula…?

That’s a question I get asked a lot – so, here is how! To fasten a garment, the pin is pushed through two the layers of fabric that you’ll want to secure together. Push the pin through and bring it back to the front by perforating the fabrics again: by pushing it through and through, you’ll end up with the head of the pin and its lower half visible on the outside of your garment. Once in place, rotate the ring so that the pin lies across the gap in the ring. Push the pin through the gap, and twist the ring so the opening moves away from the pin itself. The tension between the ring and the fabric holds the pin securely, preventing it from slipping out. This design allows the fibula to act as both a clasp and a visual feature of the garment.

Here is a quick video showing you how it’s done! (click this link, and then scroll down to the bottom of the page)

Amazigh fibulas and dress

Obviously, fibulas are integrated with the textiles they secure. That in turn tells you a lot about those textiles just by looking at the pins themselves. Heavier, more substantial fibulas are used with robust fabrics, while lighter versions suggest finer or differently structured cloth.

The outer garments they secure are wraps: garments that envelop the body and shoulders. In winter, these would be heavy, wool wraps, and in summer they might be lighter fabrics.

You will notice that the heads of the fibulas are the heaviest part of the piece. That tells you where they would have been placed: not at the upper end, as you often see them in books, but at the lower end. The pins themselves stick out upwards, the head is pointed downwards. That is an important difference between theory and practice: fibulas are almost invariably depicted with their heads upwards and their pins downwards, but that is not how they would have been worn in real life!

How fibulas reflect Amazigh identity

Fibulas are part and parcel of the cultural practices of Amazigh communities. They are not simply adornments, but part of a broader visual and symbolic language that links body, clothing, architecture, and environment. And you know that is how I love to study jewellery: in its cultural context!

Because this allows us to understand how material culture communicates identity, memory, and place, rather than just admiring them as beautiful objects in a showcase.

This interconnectedness is of course very evident in recurring patterns and motifs. The same geometric forms found on fibulas frequently appear on carpets, blankets, pottery, and woodwork, suggesting a shared visual vocabulary across media.

But there is much more. Fibulas offer further insights into the world of their wearers, especially through the design of the pin head or terminal. This is the most visually prominent part of the fibula, and it often serves as a marker of regional or communal identity. Its shape and decoration vary by area, village, or group, allowing the piece to signal belonging and local affiliation.

These terminal forms often reference features from the wearer’s environment. They literally show us what that environment looked like, or what iys wearers considered important.

Some derive from animal forms, for example, the ram’s head motifs found in fibulas worn by the Ihahen of coastal Morocco, which may evoke associations with pastoral life. Others reflect built structures: domed tombs, arched doorways, or the stepped crenellations of kasbah walls.

These visual echoes suggest that fibulas do not only exist in relation to the body, or even just in relation to dress, but also participate in a wider cultural landscape – drawing meaning from the world around them and embedding that meaning into daily dress.

How fabulous is that, when your dress and jewellery fit into your surroundings…?

Amazigh fibulas today: living heritage & revival

Although Amazigh fibulas are no longer commonly worn in daily life, they still carry meaning. They are living heritage, and continue to be produced for ceremonial use, like local festivals, as well as for tourist markets. The fibula itself appears on beauty products, metalwork, and doors. It has grown into a symbol of Amazigh identity, notably in the diaspora – Amazigh fibulas of North Africa are still deeply meaningful and continue to evolve.


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References

Read more on fibulas and their cultural meaning here (not exhaustive, there is much more out there!):

Benfoughal, T. 1997. Bijoux et Bijoutiers de l’ Aurès. CNRS Editions, Paris

Cheylan, G. (ed.) 2007. Coutumes et décors de Tunisie. Ceres Éditions, Tunis

Eudel, P. 1906. Dictionnaire des Bijoux d’Afrique du Nord. Maroc, Algérie, Tunisie, Tripolitaine. Ernest Léroux, Paris

Gargouri-Sethom, S. & J. Pérez 2005. Les Bijoux de Tunisie. Dunes Editions, Tunis El Hafsia

Ghellali, H. 2024. Jewellery and Adornment of Libya. Blikveld Uitgevers Publishers, Zandvoort

Tamzali, W. 1984. Abzim. Parures et Bijoux des femmes d’Algérie. Dessain et Tolra, Entreprise algérienne de presse, Algers

The Bedouin Silver blog gives credit where credit is due! Transparent referencing and citing sources helps us all grow. Would you like to do the same and quote this article? Here’s how:

S. van Roode, [write the title as you see it above this post], published on the Bedouin Silver website [paste the exact link to this article], accessed on [the date you are reading this article and decided it was useful for you].

The Bedouin Silver Jewellery Blog: Sigrid van Roode

Sigrid van Roode is an archeologist, ethnographer and jewellery historian. Her main field of expertise is jewellery from North Africa and Southwest Asia, as well as archaeological and archaeological revival jewellery. She has authored several books on jewellery, and obtained her PhD at Leiden University on jewellery, informal ritual and collections. Sigrid has lectured for the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden, Turquoise Mountain Jordan, and many others. She provides consultancy and research on jewellery collections for both museums and private collections, teaches courses and curates exhibitions. She is not involved in the business of buying and selling jewellery, and focuses on research, knowledge production, and education only. Sigrid strongly believes in accessibility of knowledge, and aims to provide reliable and trustworthy content: that’s why the Bedouin Silver blog provides references and citations.

Scented paste jewellery of North Africa

Scented paste jewellery of North Africa

Skhab beads

Scented paste jewellery of North Africa

Updated November 25, 2024

Beads made of scented paste—known in the Maghreb as skhab—are among the most evocative items of personal adornment in North Africa. In this blog post I explore scented‑paste jewellery from Tunisia and Algeria, examining how fragrance, craft and cultural meaning come together in these unique beads. Rather than a simple inventory of pieces, we’ll look at their making, their wearing, and their place in Maghrebi social life.

Wearing scent: origins and cultural context in the Maghreb

Why wear scented jewellery in the first place? For this, we need to look at the role fragrance plays culturally. Fragrance in North Africa is much more than just spritzing on a perfume.

In informal religion, scent was considered powerful as an amulet. Incense in general was believed to keep malevolent spirits at a distance. [1] And because agreeable scents were seen as a manifestation of benign beings, wearing fragrance was a powerful way of keeping evil away.

The use of scent and personal grooming falls in the category of ‘recommended’ behaviour for Muslims, although its application varies per branch of Islam. Several hadīth underline the beneficial effects of perfume, relating how the Prophet also scented his clothing by fumigation and never refused perfumes. [2]

On important religious occasions, personal cleanliness was mandatory. This extended not only to the body, but also to clothing worn: an example from early 20th century Morocco observes that clothing was perfumed with rosewater and orange blossom water or fumigated with incense. [3]

Scented paste in the Maghreb: beads

In Tunisia and Algeria, and to a lesser extent in Morocco and Libya as well, scent was added to jewellery in a beautiful way. [4] Here, a scented paste is worked into beads, generally called skhab. [5]

The beads were produced at home, but you could also buy them in specialized ateliers in the sūqs. In home production, recipes were handed down from mother to daughter and adapted to personal tastes. [6] As a result, the fragrance of these beads would be the signature scent of the wearer and her family.

The craft of skhab: ingredients

What did these beads smell like…? The bouquet itself was created by carefully selecting and combining aromatic ingredients. Cedarwood, sandalwood and ‘ūd created warm woody undertones. Cloves, saffron, rosemary and thyme were among the herbs used to add a spicy layer, while roses, preferably the strong scenting Rosa damascena, jasmine, lavender and patchouli added floral notes.

All of these were dried and pulverized. Pulverizing itself would take up a significant amount of time, as the powder had to be as finely ground as possible.

This was before the blender existed: everything had to be ground by hand! You’d want the fragrant powder to be as fine as possible: any larger lumps would present a problem in the polishing of the beads, later in the process.

So, after much grinding and regrinding, the fragrant powder was then slowly mixed with rosewater or orange blossom water.

When all of the water was absorbed, and this could take up to a week (!) it would be ground again. That procedure was repeated until a paste was created. [7]

Finally, a binding agent such as odoriferous resin, date paste or Arabic gum was added. You would boil the mixture slowly on a low fire, until it turned into a smooth paste.

Scented paste of North Africa: bead-making

While the paste was still warm, and gave off its sumptuous scent, women would start shaping the beads. The simplest beads were spherical, but experienced hands created a variety of shapes like hearts, fish, stars, crescents and flowers. Their size varied from tiny beads to quite sizable examples.

All these beads would be spread out on a tray and put somewhere to rest and dry, like in the window sill or on a table. Never in direct sunlight though: that would cause them to dry too fast and they would break.

When the beads had dried for a few days, they were still soft enough to be perforated, yet solid enough to keep their shape and not fall apart during the process.

After a month, the beads would be polished smooth and strung with a variety of other beads such as glass, coral, amber and silver into necklaces, or worn as earrings, hair ornaments and brooches. [8]

Creating these beads was an entirely female affair. It also served as introduction into a woman’s world for the daughters of the family: while wearing these beads was considered inappropriate for girls, the long days spent creating them was a time for chatting, gossiping and learning about the intimacies of married life.

Scented paste in adornment: hairstyles and bracelet lining

Scented paste was not only used for beads! Another practical way of applying it is on the inside of bracelets. The movements of the bracelet over the warm skin in would release the fragrance.

An additional benefit was that the thick layer of paste smoothed out any rough edges and prevented the skin from getting pinched between several heavy bracelets.

Remnants of this paste may sometimes still be visible on the inside of a bracelet: as this is not dirt, but an essential part of its life, I recommend checking for it before you start cleaning jewellery: see more about that here.

Scented paste was also worked into hairstyles, notably in Morocco: here, too, remnants of scented paste can still be found on ornaments worn in the hair. The gallery above shows such an example: click to enlarge the image, and see how the patches of ‘dirt’ may actually be leftovers from something that once smelled divine!

Social and ritual significance of scented paste beads: weddings and women

In Tunisia and Algeria, the scented beads were worn by a bride for the first time: their use is specifically for married women. They reflect the intimacy of married life and carry a strong connotation of sensuality.

The importance of these is well explained by an Algerian woman: ‘A woman that does not possess a necklace of scented beads, is not a woman’ – unmarried girls did not wear fragrant beads, as their sensual capacities were inappropriate for their social position. [9]

That these necklaces were more than just ornaments, is illustrated by the cultural restrictions surrounding their use. Algerian women did not wear their scented bead necklaces when their husband was away; when he was absent for a longer period of time, the necklaces were stored in a box.[10]

Even just showing them to female friends was done very privately: you would not want another man accidentally to catch a whiff of their scent. [11]

Scented paste beads today: tradition, production and trade

Today, the large necklaces with scented paste are still a very important part of weddings in the Maghreb. Scented beads are now mainly produced by specialized ateliers in the sūqs.[12] These ateliers run a good business, as procuring these beads is a necessity for engagement and wedding festivities. You’ll find them strung with lavish perfume containers known as meskia: see more about these delicious jewels here.

Wearing scented beads is an old tradition that is still in use, and that is much more than just aesthetics: perfume jewellery is a profound cultural expression.

More about the many uses of scent, wearing fragrant jewels and the art of incense fumigation is in the e-course Scents of the Middle East: a full exploration of the invisible side of adornment!

Collage of a smiling woman from Egypt, wearing gold earrings, with dewy rose petals, jasmine and lilies. A bright yellow text box reads 'Scents of the Middle East'

Want to learn how fragrance plays a role in jewellery and adornment? My book Silver & Frankincense explores this in depth!

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References

[1] Interestingly, in early Christianity the opposite was the case: incense was believed to attract demons. This stance towards incense was related to the Roman practice of burning incense to honour the gods and the emperor, and only changed centuries later in Late Antiquity. See Lallemand 2008.

[2] Kanafani 1983, pp. 293-294.

[3] Westermarck 1911, p. 131.

[4] Mershen 2009, p. 59; Zimmerle 2014, pp. 416-417; Becker 2000, p. 182.

[5] According to Eudel’s Dictionnaire des Bijoux, the name is particularly used in Algeria and Tunisia for scented beads; in other regions it generally indicates a necklace.

[6] Filali 2001; Benfoughal 1997, p. 91-92.

[7] Opper 2015, p. 22. The process could take up to 40 days. See these videos by Charlotte Dakin-Norris to make your own!

[8] Opper 2015, p. 22.

[9] Tamzali 1984, p. 41; Benfoughal 1997, p. 139. In Algeria’s Kabylia, however, girls would wear a necklace made of amber called lūban or ‘incense’. Although the necklace itself did not carry scent, the name hints at the stage in life preceding the one in which she soon would wear real scented jewellery. Eudel 1906 Dictionnaire des Bijoux, p. 121.

[10] Benfoughal 1997, p. 139.

[11] Benfoughal 1997, p. 142.

[12] Gargouri-Sethom & Perez 2005, p. 123-125.

The Bedouin Silver blog gives credit where credit is due! Transparent referencing and citing sources helps us all grow. Would you like to do the same and quote this article? Here’s how:

S. van Roode, [write the title as you see it above this post], published on the Bedouin Silver website [paste the exact link to this article], accessed on [the date you are reading this article and decided it was useful for you].

The Bedouin Silver Jewellery Blog: Sigrid van Roode

Sigrid van Roode is an archeologist, ethnographer and jewellery historian. Her main field of expertise is jewellery from North Africa and Southwest Asia, as well as archaeological and archaeological revival jewellery. She has authored several books on jewellery, and obtained her PhD at Leiden University on jewellery, informal ritual and collections. Sigrid has lectured for the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden, Turquoise Mountain Jordan, and many others. She provides consultancy and research on jewellery collections for both museums and private collections, teaches courses and curates exhibitions. She is not involved in the business of buying and selling jewellery, and focuses on research, knowledge production, and education only. Sigrid strongly believes in accessibility of knowledge, and aims to provide reliable and trustworthy content: that’s why the Bedouin Silver blog provides references and citations.

This blog is free: if you’d like to support independent research, please consider enrolling in a course or a jewellery talk. The proceeds directly fund my research work: thank you so much for your support!

Dictionnaire des Bijoux

Dictionnaire des Bijoux

North African jewellery

Dictionnaire des Bijoux

The Dictionnaire des Bijoux (Dictionary of Jewellery) by Paul Eudel presents jewellery from North Africa. It’s a resource that has been around for more than a century, and you’ll find a downloadable copy for your own use with this post. What does this book offer, and what do we need to know before using it?

Describing jewellery from North Africa: the colonial background

Before you think: ‘Why do I need to know how, why and when a book was made? I just want to see jewellery references!’ – bear with me. Especially with older books, it is important to have some idea of the aim with which they were written. And that is because that aim colours our understanding of jewellery today. So here we go.

Paul Eudel’s overview of jewellery from North Africa was published in 1906. The Dictionary of Jewellery is the product of a project that started well before the 1900’s. Eudel had first published his works on the works of jewellers in Algeria and Tunisia, followed by an essay on jewellers in Morocco.

During this timeframe, the Maghreb was colonized by France. It is against this background that the book has been compiled. Its purpose was not simply to document jewellery from a cultural perspective, but far more from an economical perspective. Knowing what types of jewellery existed and what materials went into them, provided a basis to calculate and impose everyone’s favourite: taxes. Taxes, that would flow into the economy of France.

A dictionary of jewellery: critical reading

The re-edition of this book which I read, features an introduction by Moroccan ethnologist Abdelmajid Arrif. That introduction adds very necessary context to the book. One of the points he makes, is that the very act of listing, documenting and presenting information into a dictionary is a very colonial thing to do.

Now of course every culture on earth has been making lists since writing was first invented. On a side note, writing was invented because humans wanted to make lists – the invention of writing is literally rooted in economy.

It gets colonial when a culture starts making lists of things encountered in another culture: cities captured, enemies killed, loot taken are hot topics in ancient inscriptions. But, also the seemingly innocent listing of jewellery types in a colonized region falls into that category.

Dictionnaire des Bijoux by Paul Eudel, with a Kabyle fibula placed on the cover.

Jewellery from the Maghreb: what do we miss?

So, what are we missing from these many pages of jewellery examples? Most importantly, all cultural context is left out. This book presents an overview of jewellery types and nothing more. It’s a catalogue of sorts. Some entries also tell us where a certain piece was worn, and some even by whom. But mainly, it’s a list of objects.

The oral histories that go with jewellery pieces are missing. Their meaning as wedding or dowry gift, the symbolism in their design, the songs jewellery features in, the art and creativity of the jewellery creators themselves…all that and more has no place in a dictionary. It’s like a phone book, more or less: it simply lists your contacts, but it does not capture their personality or your relationship with them.

Eudel’s dictionary of jewellery: what do we have?

If you have read this far, you might be wondering by now if this book is useful at all. It very much is! The main thing to keep in mind is that this book is not the definitive book on North African jewellery. Obviously, you would not reasonably expect a book of only roughly 200 pages to showcase all jewellery from four countries. But lists often have that effect: if it’s not on the list, it does not exist. This is the third filter of selecting: click here to see how that works!

What it absolutely is very valuable for, is the original names of things. This overview presents us with a wealth of jewellery pieces from the Maghreb, all listed with their own name. These are often missing from today’s descriptions outside of the Maghreb itself, so having access to these is a major advantage.

The drawback is that, well, you’d have to know their name to find anything (it’s a dictionary, after all), but the many illustrations speak for themselves and make it easier to find the piece you’re looking for. And I may be a little bit of a nerd, but I love starting at A and letting myself be surprised by what I encounter!

Those illustrations themselves are also incredibly helpful. A perfume container for musk, called meskia, is depicted both open and closed. The hundreds of detailed drawings bring the jewellery from North Africa to life and show us what they looked like around the beginning of the 20th century. As a time capsule, it is a very helpful resource to get an idea of the date of some jewellery pieces.

Dictionnaire des Bijoux de l’Afrique du Nord: an important resource

With all its pros and cons, the Dictionnaire des Bijoux is an important resource for North African jewellery. It is a starting point for research, in that it offers insight into the types of jewellery in existence in the late 19th and early 20th century. When you’re looking into North African jewellery, this book will be a great help with their vernacular names. And with those, you will be able to extend your search and learn more: see here how to go about that!

As it is an old book, it is widely available in pdf-form, and you’ll find a downloadable pdf below this blog. This is a digital scan of the original book, so in its original formatting and without additional explanations, introduction or indexes.

Personally, I like having a reprint in tangible form on my shelf: it makes for much easier reading and searching. Details of the book that is pictured above in the video and the photograph are below: this edition has been reformatted and includes the introduction by Abdelmajid Arrif, the essay on jewellers in Morocco, and an alphabetic index.

More information on Dictionnaire des Bijoux de l’Afrique du Nord

Title: Dictionnaire des Bijoux de l’Afrique du Nord. Maroc, Algerie, Tunisie, Tripolitaine. By Paul Eudel (1906), with an introduction by Abdelmajid Arrif 2014. 255 pages, b/w with a few colour images, in French.

Published by Editions Frontispice.

Available online and in well-sorted bookstores.

I purchased this republished book in the museum shop of the Institut du Monde Arabe, Paris.

Where can I find more on traditional jewellery from Southwest Asia and North Africa?

More book reviews of jewellery books? Browse them all here!

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Looking for background information on your jewellery? Have a look at the courses – there’s so much available on the world of the jewellery from North Africa and the Middle East!

Sigrid van Roode

Sigrid van Roode is an archeologist, ethnographer and jewellery historian. Her main field of expertise is jewellery from North Africa and Southwest Asia, as well as archaeological and archaeological revival jewellery. She has authored several books on jewellery. Sigrid has lectured for the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden, Turquoise Mountain Jordan, and many others. She provides consultancy and research on jewellery collections for both museums and private collections, teaches courses and curates exhibitions. She is not involved in the business of buying and selling jewellery, and focuses on research, knowledge production, and education only.

Tenues des Touaregs

Tenues des Touaregs

half a century of archive

De la féérie des sables/Tenues des Touaregs

Updated June 25, 2025

Like private collections, private archives are of great importance. It is through these that we may understand the context of collected things, but all too often, personal archives end up forgotten. That is why the two books about Tuareg dress and personal appearance by Dr. Catherine Vaudour are such treasures: they are dedicated to sharing half a century of research and documentation.

 

The Tuareg inhabit a vast region: from Algeria, Tunisia and Libya in the north to Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger in the south. Within this enormous region, many regional varieties in dress and personal appearance exist. Michel Vallet has documented Tuareg dress and adornment for half a century, between 1957 and 2007. During this timeframe, he carried out numerous visits to all corners of the Tuareg realm and documented his experiences in great detail: in photographs, but also superb drawings and gouaches, notes, maps and sketches.

Michel Vallet passed away in 2018, but wanted his work to be published. Dr. Catherine Vaudour, an ethnolinguist researching the Kel-Ajjer in Algeria, has taken it upon herself to make his work available to a larger audience. She is the founder of the Association Tatrit [1], aimed at preserving the material and immaterial heritage of the Tuareg. One of the many things she has initiated to this end is curating an exposition of a part of Michel Vallet’s work in Nantes (2015-2016), which allowed visitors to explore the world of the Tuareg through its material culture and the meticulous notes and drawings of Michel Vallet.

With this exhibition, a book was published: De la féérie des sables…cinquante ans chez les Touaregs – Fonds Michel Vallet. This beautiful book presents the full texts of the exhibition as well as many drawings and photographs. Starting out with a chapter on the linguistic variety in the Tamasheq language family, the reader is introduced to the way of living of the Tuareg: tents, herding, trading. A fold-out map with the various peoples belonging to the Kel-Tamasheq, ‘the people who speak Tamasheq’ is particularly illustrative as it shows the wide variety of the Tuareg world, which is often represented as a monolithic entity. After this introduction, the book continues with a treasure of detailed information on number of aspects of personal appearance: arms, veils, hairstyles, dress, personal care, and of course jewellery. That is not all: camel-riding and gear, music and poetry follow. And ‘detailed’ really does mean detailed: beautiful drawings of hairstyles, how to wrap a veil, forms of shields, shoes, schematics on how to mount and dismount a camel are presented alongside photographs that bring the Tuareg world to life in all its elegance and splendour.

The volume Les Tenues des Touaregs – Fonds documentaire de Michel Vallet, which followed in 2019, is an extraordinary work which presents the documentary archive left by Michel Vallet in more detail. It focuses on outfits and presents both male and female dress, once again in great detail. The diversity of jewellery shown itself is enormous and I enjoyed seeing how here, too, lines between peoples are blurred: ornaments often only labeled as ‘Tuareg’ are also worn by the Fulani and Ayneha, jewellery pieces such as the hawafir-necklaces and shariyyah-necklaces are worn by the Tuareg as well. Apart from jewellery, there is a wide variety of dress, headgear and other items of personal appearance. And finally, this volume also presents body aesthetic like temporary facial tattoos, even more hairstyles, schematics of dress, shoes and pieces of jewellery. Throughout the book, we see how dress and adornment evolve over time: there is no such thing as ‘static’ dress and this book testifies to change and exchange in great detail.

Both books include an overview of Michel Vallet’s life and a short bibliography. These bibliographies shed an interesting light on the Vallet archive as well. Judging from both bibliographies, only very few other studies have been used in compiling these two publications. You will not find the work of other scholars such as Dr. Anja Fischer, Dr. Thomas K. Seligman or Bert Flint here, for example, or even a single reference in another language than French. That means that the Michel Vallet archive retains its value as its own original source: the names of things, the customs, the ways of dressing and adorning are all as he observed them and noted them down. Both books have been published with great care and a scholarly eye for detail, but without secondary interpretations or placement in the current state of research in this field. This makes for an excellent starting point for comparison between this and other works in the field of Tuareg research: both books present an absolutely unique point of view. This is an original archive that has all the potential to further studies into Tuareg culture – and it is published and available.

It is only too sad that Mr. Vallet has not seen this publication of his life’s work. We should be indebted to dr. Vaudour for her tireless and knowledgeable efforts in achieving these publications, because like I said at the beginning: archives like these are easily forgotten, while they hold an immense amount of information of a world that is changing fast. The onerous task of inventorying, selecting and finally publishing is not an easy one, but I do hope these two books show how personal archives may be shared with researchers worldwide.

These are books that are of great importance, and I would even say they are indispensable for anyone interested in Tuareg dress and adornment. The drawings are breathtaking and plentiful, the photographs are a perfect complement in showing the objects of dress and adornment worn, the maps are illuminating and helpful, and the many sketches of construction details of for example leather bags will have you peer over them for hours. My recommendation would be to purchase both books, as they complement and build on one another. If you do not read French, don’t let that stop you: the books both contain about 95% images and these alone themselves are worth having on your shelf as a resource. Both are squarely in the category of ‘must-have’ reference books!

Les Tenues des Touaregs. Fonds documentaire de Michel Vallet. By Catherine Vaudour, 2019.

Full colour, 311 pages, in French. Published by Association Tatrit (48 euros)

 De la féérie des sables…cinquante ans chez les Touaregs – Fonds Michel Vallet. By Catherine Vaudour, 2016.

Full colour, 113 pages, in French. Published by Association Tatrit (30 euros)

Both books can be ordered with the Association Tatrit via email: association.tatrit@gmail.com

I purchased both books with the author.

More rare books on personal adornment and cultural history? See my picks for you here, or join the Jewellery List to receive new reviews as they come out!

References

[1] The Association Tatrit does not have a website yet, but one is in the works. Once it is live, I will add the direct link. In the meantime, learn more about their work here (opens a pdf-file)

The Bedouin Silver blog gives credit where credit is due! Transparent referencing and citing sources helps us all grow. Would you like to do the same and quote this article? Here’s how:

S. van Roode, [write the title as you see it above this post], published on the Bedouin Silver website [paste the exact link to this article], accessed on [the date you are reading this article and decided it was useful for you].

The Bedouin Silver Jewellery Blog: Sigrid van Roode

Sigrid van Roode is an archeologist, ethnographer and jewellery historian. Her main field of expertise is jewellery from North Africa and Southwest Asia, as well as archaeological and archaeological revival jewellery. She has authored several books on jewellery, and obtained her PhD at Leiden University on jewellery, informal ritual and collections. Sigrid has lectured for the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden, Turquoise Mountain Jordan, and many others. She provides consultancy and research on jewellery collections for both museums and private collections, teaches courses and curates exhibitions. She is not involved in the business of buying and selling jewellery, and focuses on research, knowledge production, and education only. Sigrid strongly believes in accessibility of knowledge, and aims to provide reliable and trustworthy content: that’s why the Bedouin Silver blog provides references and citations.