Behind the scenes of independent research

Behind the scenes of independent research

What it takes to be a jewellery historian

Behind the scenes of independent research

Published January 2, 2026

I thought I’d share a bit of real talk about life as an independent researcher – the part that is not often addressed because it is, in all honesty, not that glamourous. However, over the course of several talks with fellow self-employed specialists with similar experiences, I found that this is also the part that actually might need spelling out.

And so this once, I’m going to do just that.

I’m not employed by a university or museum: I work independently, which means I fund all of my research myself. That’s the unglamourous part right there. So how does that actually work? Let me take you behind the scenes into the nitty-gritty of the work!

Why I’m an independent researcher

I’m an independent researcher because this field is my passion, there aren’t all that many curatorial or lecturer positions at museums or universities available, and I believe I a have a useful contribution to make. That’s the simple truth of it. I chose this, and I love it.

Because I work independently, I don’t have an employer, which has lots of benefits, but also means I don’t receive a salary. I’m self-funded – in the most literal sense of the word. All research, travel, writing, and website maintenance is paid for out of my own pocket. 

Being an independent researcher in my case means running a business, with all the administration, responsibilities, and costs that come with it.

I’m breaking that down for you here, so you’ll get a feeling of how my work (and that of other self-employed specialists) operates.

The hidden costs of jewellery research

What does being an independent researcher mean financially? Here is what I spend resources on.

Let’s start with the very blog you’re reading. Keeping this website and the online course platform running costs, all-in, a substantial amount per year. Simply being visible online and having your infrastructure in place comes with its own baseline costs.

Then there’s travel: visiting exhibitions, or attending conferences all require resources. That’s not just the conference fee or exhibition entrance fees, but also hotels and transportation. I love conferences: it’s always great to meet new people, see old friends, and exchange ideas and knowledge!

Another ongoing investment is my own reference library. Over the years, I’ve built a significant collection of jewellery books and articles – and that continues to grow. With so much AI-generated content swirling around online these days, I find it important to turn to actual books: they offer depth and context that you will not find as easily online.

Side note: contrary to what some might assume (and a few people even have told me outright), reviewing books for this blog isn’t a budget-friendly way to expand that library! In fact, it ties directly into the biggest investment I make in my work: time.

Why time is my most valuable asset

Time is the one resource I need for everything I do. Researching, writing, creating courses or social media content: all of that takes hours, days, even weeks. 

Researching and writing a blog article, including creating the images to go with it, can take up to 3-4 hours. That’s because I include references and want to make sure you get solid information on jewellery. Compiling my monthly Newsletter (subscribe here if you haven’t already!) takes up half a day. The absolutely lovely feedback I receive after each and every emailing tells me that that is time well spent!

However, it’s time I can’t spend elsewhere earning an income.

That is, by the way, why I’m always surprised when asked to give a talk or consultation for free. I truly love sharing knowledge, as you know, and I do my best to keep much of it accessible – but just like everyone else, I have my housing to pay, groceries to buy, and the heating bill to cover. If I could pay my mortgage by delivering a talk at my local bank office…well, let me just say there’d be a lot of jewellery-savy bankers out there by now!

The same goes for book reviews. Receiving a review copy is always a joy: opening the package, flipping through fresh pages, and diving into a new publication is truly exciting. I adore books! But make no mistake: it’s also work. Reading a book with a reviewer’s eye, placing it within the wider field of jewellery studies, and writing a thoughtful, contextual review can take several days.

Long story short: what you see on the blog is the final stage of quite a bit of unseen work behind the scenes. The same holds true for, for example, performers: you don’t see the amount of time spent practicing, studying, inspecting and mending outfits behind their flawless performance.

The hidden costs of talks

That unseen work behind the scenes is also applicable to talks and lectures. Let’s pick that apart, too, because the amount of work for a talk behind the scenes is not always immediately apparent.

A talk does not begin and end with the hour spent speaking. For in-person talks for example, the travel time to and from the venue may be substantial and take me a full day, even in a tiny country like mine.

Preparing a lecture, especially when it is built from scratch, takes multiple days of research, writing, and assembling a carefully structured slide deck. I don’t just slap some pictures on a slide and be done with it: I want the audience to really enjoy the talk.

So, when you book me (or any independent researcher) for a talk, the fee may seem high for a single hour at a podium, but is below minimum wage for the full working week behind the scenes needed to prepare. That’s the reality of working in the humanities – if I were in tech or sports, I suppose no one would blink twice if I charged the actual time involved.

I think it’s necessary to be honest about the amount of work that goes into preparing a talk, not only to you, but also to ourselves as humanities scholars: if you’re reading this as a speaker and it resonates with you, it’s time to acknowledge that presenting a talk is not something you just wiggle in the rest of your workload.

No grants, no salary: how do I fund my work?

I cover part of these costs through my online courses, which make an important contribution to keeping this work going. If you have taken one of them: thank you so much, honestly!

In addition, I work on commissioned research, such as inventorying and correctly describing museum collections, or writing a dedicated article or book.

Bookings for talks and courses are also a valuable source of support, but, as I explained above, the fees do not cover the actual amount of time involved.

Besides, and that’s another thing you might not think of in the first place, there’s this little thing called taxes. That fee I charge for a talk or a consultation? Nearly half of that goes to income taxes. Unglamourous, I know.

Why I’m sharing this, and how you can help

Why am I sharing this with you?

Not to complain – far from it. I chose this path, I’m proud of what I’ve built, and I love what I do.

Being an independent researcher doesn’t mean swanning around amidst sparkling jewellery.

It means working hard to respectfully study, share, and preserve cultural heritage through careful research and teaching. There is a lot of Orientalist mythmaking out there, and a surge in AI-generated content not necessarily based in facts, so I will continue to do my best to serve you human-researched, factually sound information on jewellery history.

If you’ve found joy, inspiration or insight in my blog articles, Newsletter, or social media content, and would like to support me in other ways than by enrolling in a course, you can do so directly through this link.

Every contribution – big or small – helps to keep the research going and the blog running.

That’s the unglamourous part of being an independent researcher: I hope this peek behind the scenes has given you some insight in the realities of what a jewellery historian does, besides looking at jewellery!


Find out more about the meaning of personal adornment in the e-courses!

More posts on jewellery and adornment? Browse them all here!

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The Bedouin Silver blog gives credit where credit is due! Transparent referencing and citing sources helps us all grow. Would you like to do the same and quote this article? Here’s how:

S. van Roode, [write the title as you see it above this post], published on the Bedouin Silver website [paste the exact link to this article], accessed on [the date you are reading this article and decided it was useful for you].

The Bedouin Silver Jewellery Blog: Sigrid van Roode

Sigrid van Roode is an archeologist, ethnographer and jewellery historian. Her main field of expertise is jewellery from North Africa and Southwest Asia, as well as archaeological and archaeological revival jewellery. She has authored several books on jewellery, and obtained her PhD at Leiden University on jewellery, informal ritual and collections. Sigrid has lectured for the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden, Turquoise Mountain Jordan, and many others. She provides consultancy and research on jewellery collections for both museums and private collections, teaches courses and curates exhibitions. She is not involved in the business of buying and selling jewellery, and focuses on research, knowledge production, and education only. Sigrid strongly believes in accessibility of knowledge, and aims to provide reliable and trustworthy content: that’s why the Bedouin Silver blog provides references and citations.

This blog is free: if you’d like to support independent, self-funded research, please consider enrolling in a course or a jewellery talk, or donate here directly.

The proceeds directly support travel costs, book purchases, and the time needed to wite articles like this one: thank you so much for your support!

Arabic kohl and its material culture: history, tradition and UNESCO recognition

Arabic kohl and its material culture: history, tradition and UNESCO recognition

Arabic kohl history and tradition

Arabic kohl and its material culture: UNESCO recognition

Published December 12, 2025

Kohl eyeliner has just been recognised as UNESCO intangible cultural heritage.

In December 2025, kohl was inscribed on the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. That is hugely significant, because it recognises the importance of the heritage of adornment. Like henna, which I wrote about in an earlier blog, kohl is much more than a beauty product: it is a practice, a tradition, and a form of expression. So, let’s take a closer look kohl, and what its material culture can tell us about beauty, identity and memory!

Why did UNESCO recognise Arabic kohl as intangible cultural heritage?

First, let’s look at what the World Heritage inscription actually says. The UNESCO description highlights the multi-layered role of traditional kohl in Arab societies:

‘Arabic Kohl is both a craft and a social practice that is integral to the lifestyle of Bedouin and nomadic tribes, as well as rural, marshland, and fishing communities in the Arab region. It is a fine black powder used as eyeliner by people of all genders, serving not only as a cosmetic but also for protection against wind, sand and sunlight. A part of everyday life, special occasions and religious rituals, it is made from natural ingredients, with the preparation varying according to local environments and lifestyles. Kohl is made either at home or in gatherings, mostly by women, who transmit the related knowledge and skills to their daughters and granddaughters. Arabic kohl is typically stored in decorative containers called ‘makhala’, which are often passed down as family keepsakes. The practice is also transmitted through oral traditions, community events, schools and cultural institutions. In addition to being a symbol of community identity and a key part of daily beauty routines, kohl is used as a physical and spiritual healing remedy. It promotes dialogue and fosters meaningful exchanges between nations and communities of women. Kohl-rimmed eyes also serve as a strong form of female expression, particularly in societies where only eyes are visible due to face coverings.’ [1]

This powerful recognition shows that Arabic kohl is a living, breathing tradition. It’s about the how, not just the what. Like henna, the art of applying kohl is not just make-up or beautification. It’s a system of knowledge passed on through generations.

Which countries submitted the nomination for kohl as intangible heritage?

The nomination for kohl as intangible cultural heritage was submitted by a number of countries: Iraq, Jordan, Libya, Oman, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, and the United Arab Emirates.

Although these are the nations that submitted the nomination, I’d invite you to bear in mind that the practice of kohl exists in a much wider region and in many different forms. The practice of kohl is also not limited to Arabic communities, but is part of many other cultures, too.

Just one example: the oldest form of kohl known to date comes from ancient Egypt, where eye make-up palettes appear at the end of the 4th millennium BCE. Egypt, however, is not among the countries that submitted the nomination of this cultural heritage – that does not automatically mean kohl doesn’t exist in Egypt. That is not what this inscription on the Intangible Cultural Heritage list claims: it is a recognition of a living cultural practice, and in this case, the scope has a narrower geographical reach than that of the actual practice itself.

(but with that long history of kohl, I was personally surprised to see Egypt did not join the nomination)

Kohl as a living tradition

Kohl, obviously, is not a thing of the past, but a living practice. If you have ever visited anywhere in North Africa or Southwest Asia, you’ll have seen it on offer and in use. The recipes vary widely, but the basic goal is the same: to create a smooth, fine black powder. This could be made from something as simple as burnt charcoal, lamp black or pot soot (sarral kohl) or more specialised substances like antimony or galena (athmad kohl).

Application methods of this powder also varied: from saliva and water for everyday use, to rosewater and orange blossom water for more luxurious occasions. In some traditions, aromatic resins such as burnt ambergris, frankincense or ‘ūd (aloeswood) were added to the mix.

The material culture of kohl: containers, adornment, and meaning

Where there’s kohl, there’s a container [2]. These are generally called makhala, and the needle used to apply kohl to the eyes is known as merwad. That’s the same word used for the needle to apply perfumes: merwad means stick, needle.

Besides practical containers, makhala are very important in ceremonial use. In Beit Dajan, Palestine, brides would dance on their wedding while holding their kohl container: person, adornment, social status and object are one and the same.

Elsewhere, kohl was a popular gift from pilgrims returning from the Hajj. This was antimony kohl (athmad) mixed with water from the ZamZam well. Their function here extended beyond cosmetics: they combine religious concepts of purity and cleanliness with adornment.

How kohl containers reflect local values

The form, decoration and materials of kohl containers vary across the region. In some areas, they belong more to the realm of jewellery, made of silver or copper, and intended to be seen. I’ve written about similar practices in Afghan vanity sets in this blog.

They may even have gendered distinctions: men do not generally wear adornment, but kohl is worn by men, women and children. Men, too, had to carry their kohl containers on their person. In those cases, the containers took the shape of masculine attributes: silver bullet-shaped containers or versions of gunpowder horns. That is not to ‘hide’ the fact that men use make-up: kohl containers simply take the form best suited to their wearer.

In other regions kohl containers are part of dress and costume, the container itself covered in fabric. By studying the decoration of these containers and comparing them to regional jewellery styles, we begin to see where these objects fit into personal adornment. Were they worn on a person? Displayed in the house? Kept in private, away from prying eyes? These questions help us understand what these containers meant to their users.

Kohl as identity, resistance and care

While kohl enhances beauty, it also has protective and healing roles, both natural and supernatural. Natural ingredients such as antimony were considered to strengthen and purify the eyes. It also protected against evil spirits, and applying it is an act of purity and cleanliness in itself. This ties into a wider tradition where adornment is protective as well as decorative. If you have been following this blog for a while, you know that is a theme that recurs across jewellery, scent, textiles, body aesthetic and more!

Kohl: a world heritage of adornment

Kohl’s inscription as World Heritage is a recognition of an ancient practice. And as with henna, recognising kohl as intangible cultural heritage brings attention to the people who keep these practices alive: the women who prepare it, apply it, teach it, and wear it. Because heritage is not just objects: the objects are only the material component of something much larger.

Kohl and its containers form part of an entire system of knowledge, care, expression and identity: if we look at them as one component in a network of beliefs, actions and objects, we learn so much more!


Find out more about the meaning of intangible personal adornment in the e-courses!

More posts on jewellery and adornment? Browse them all here!

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References

[1] See the UNESCO inscription here https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/arabic-kohl-02261

[2] See Paint it, Black by Jolanda Bos (2019): the only book to date with an extensive overview of kohl containers from past to present.

The Bedouin Silver blog gives credit where credit is due! Transparent referencing and citing sources helps us all grow. Would you like to do the same and quote this article? Here’s how:

S. van Roode, [write the title as you see it above this post], published on the Bedouin Silver website [paste the exact link to this article], accessed on [the date you are reading this article and decided it was useful for you].

The Bedouin Silver Jewellery Blog: Sigrid van Roode

Sigrid van Roode is an archeologist, ethnographer and jewellery historian. Her main field of expertise is jewellery from North Africa and Southwest Asia, as well as archaeological and archaeological revival jewellery. She has authored several books on jewellery, and obtained her PhD at Leiden University on jewellery, informal ritual and collections. Sigrid has lectured for the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden, Turquoise Mountain Jordan, and many others. She provides consultancy and research on jewellery collections for both museums and private collections, teaches courses and curates exhibitions. She is not involved in the business of buying and selling jewellery, and focuses on research, knowledge production, and education only. Sigrid strongly believes in accessibility of knowledge, and aims to provide reliable and trustworthy content: that’s why the Bedouin Silver blog provides references and citations.

This blog is free: if you’d like to support independent, self-funded research, please consider enrolling in a course or a jewellery talk, or donate here directly.

The proceeds directly support travel costs, book purchases, and the time needed to wite articles like this one: thank you so much for your support!

The Ottoman-style kirdan in the Middle East

The Ottoman-style kirdan in the Middle East

Ottoman jewellery

The Ottoman-style kirdan necklace of the Middle East

Published July 24, 2025

The Ottoman Empire stretched over large parts of North Africa and Southwest Asia. This centuries-long colonisation resulted in jewellery forms that are found all over the region. In this blog, I’ll show you a particular piece that is found with variations throughout the Ottoman world: a choker-like necklace.

What is a kirdan necklace?

The kirdan necklace is a choker-style jewel that forms part of the Ottoman jewellery repertoire. The original ornament is of a type widely used in the 19th century. With regional variations, it was worn from Tunisia to Turkey as well as beyond, on Cyprus, in Greece, and in the Balkans. In the cities, wealthy urban ladies would wear theirs in gold; rural ladies would resort to gilt silver or simply silver, depending on the fashion and traditions of their region.

The ornament consists of a choker-like band of repoussé segments. These may be fastened on to a fabric band, which is tied around the neck or closed with a loop-and-knot, or strung together to form an interlinking band itself. Usually, from the choker multiple pendants are dangling, and it is in the variations and differences of these that we may see regional preferences.

Regional variations of the kirdan

This ornament is generally called kirdan, but goes by many names. Let’s look at some regional variations next!

The chiriyya in Tunisia and Libya

In North African jewellery traditions, notably in Tunisia and Libya, this ornament went by chiriyya (also spelled chairiyya). In Tunisia, they are worn notably in the southeast, from the town of Sfax onwards. [1] In Libya, they were mainly produced in Tripoli, by artisans who catered to the east coast of Tunisia as well as to Libyan towns and tribes as well. [2]

The choker had a yellow fabric backing, on which the individual segments were sewn. In the centre of the band a square ornament featured. From the choker, large pendants were suspended, and in the centre one or multiple crescent-shaped pendants, executed in filigree, fell onto the chest.

The chiriyya notably does not carry coins, and does not have a central element on the band itself, which sports only the repoussé segments.

The kirdan in Egypt: kirdan or kirdan hilali

In Egypt, the necklace is known as kirdan (also spelled kerdan) or kirdan hilali. Here, the segments flank a central element sewn on the band, usually a rectangular or square piece. In the centre, a central pendant falls on the chest: usually, a crescent or a set of tiered crescents, which is where it gets its name from: kirdan hilali means kirdan with crescents. They may be set with small turquoise beads, and the segments themselves are threaded through with red thread. Egypt also uses coins on the kirdan pendants.

The first photo shows a painting of a woman wearing such a necklace: more on her and her jewellery is in this blog!

Coastal Southwest Asia: the kirdan in the Levant

Palestine, western Jordan, Lebanon and western Syria all form part of the Bilad as-Sham, and share a cultural continuum that predates modern borders. Regional variations may extend beyond current borders, and in general trying to delineate exact attributions here is difficult. [3]

The kirdan was worn by both city-, village- and Bedouin women. Finer pieces in gold would be worn by urban women. Compared to North African variations, the coastal Southwest Asian variation generally have more and larger segments – and we also find innovative forms for women who could not afford as many silver or gold segments. They would add beads between the segments, so the kirdan required less precious metal. An example of such a simpler kirdan is shown below.

The kirdan of coastal Southwest Asia uses coins, and has a large variation in forms for the central element on the band.

The kirdan in Syria

For current-day Syria, Kalter notes that the individual segments for the band were purchased directly from silversmiths in Aleppo and Damascus by women themselves, who would then sew them on to a fabric band of their choosing. [4] Below the neck band, a row of coins or imitation coins jingles, and in the centre a single pendant such as crescent or inscribed amulet may hang. The central part of the band could also include a filigree square or rectangle, such as the example above shows, or a colourful red and blue ornament.

The kirdan in Jordan

In El-Kerak, the necklace was called kirdan migwiz. [5] In between the repoussé segments on the band, one or three filigree boxes were present in the central part of the band. Below the band, long silver elements with coins were suspended, and at the front, again one or three elaborate crescent pendants could hang.

The kirdan in Palestine

In Palestine, the necklace went by kirdan. They were made in several places, such as Nablus, but also in Irbid and el-Kerak but worn in Palestine [6] – again, the borders of today have little bearing on the past and the cultural reality is much more varied. In Nablus, the coin pendants are shorter than in El-Kerak. In the centre, an ornament of small tiered crescents fell on the chest. [7] In the Galilee, the coin pendants were similarly short, but the ornament itself also featured very long silver chains with multiple triangular pendants. In the centre of the ornament, the silver chains connected multiple crescent pendants. The style of the pendants is widespread in a larger region, including Syria.

The kirdan in Eastern Southwest Asia

Eastern Jordan and Syria, bordering on Iraq, were a bit more distant from the Ottoman world – the Ottoman sphere of influence mainly concentrated around the Mediterranean littoral. But we see cultural influences nonetheless, where Ottoman forms travelled on trade routes and gradually developed into styles of their own. In Kurdistan the choker was still worn, and the dangles often take the shape of fish – a form also encountered further on in Afghanistan.

Stage forms of the kirdan

One particular use of the kirdan is in an exaggerated version as stage jewellery. This was worn by dancers, mainly in Egypt. From the mid-19th century onwards, we see the kirdan in its usual size worn by dancers. The image above shows a phot of such a dancer (click to enlarge it). Around the turn of the century, the hilal pendants started to get larger, and from the 1950s onwards, entertainers would be wearing huge kirdans – of course, its sight really adds to the performance! [8]

A bracelet made of a repurposed kirdan necklace.

Repurposing of the kirdan

Because they fell out of fashion at some point, you may come across repurposed kirdans. They have often been divided up into bracelets.

The legacy of Ottoman kirdan chokers: forgotten heritage

The general Ottoman origin of this piece appears to be increasingly forgotten, and the reality of cultural interaction is hindered by thinking in today’s borders.

It is virtually impossible to distinguish between Tunisian and Libyan chiriyya, because the craftsmen that made them operated in both countries and pieces made in one country would be sold on a market in the other.

Likewise, trying to determine whether a piece is Syrian or Jordanian does not make much sense, as most likely, it was produced before either country as we know it today existed. Rather, it would be better to see if a place of production could be determined, in the full knowledge that from there, it may have been traded to at least 4 different countries as they exist today.

These pieces of jewellery remind us of a shared heritage. That is the historical jewellery value they continue to carry, and I do love how they took on a new life and new meanings on their own in the various parts of the Ottoman realm!


Find out more about the symbolism of jewellery in the e-courses!

More posts on jewellery and adornment? Browse them all here!

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Enjoyed this post? Please consider donating in support of my independent research: thank you so much!

References

[1] S. Gargouri-Sethom 1986. Le Bijou Traditionnel en Tunisie, p. 24, with examples.

[2] S. Gargouri-Sethom 1986. Le Bijou Traditionnel en Tunisie, p. 65; Ghellali, H. 2024. Jewellery and Adornment of Libya. Blikveld Uitgevers Publishers, Zandvoort

[3] J. Kalter, M. Pavaloi & M. Zerrnickel (eds) 1992. The Arts and Crafts of Syria, p. 81 already notes this.

[4] J. Kalter, M. Pavaloi & M. Zerrnickel (eds) 1992. The Arts and Crafts of Syria, p. 90, with examples.

[5] Pracht und Geheimnis, p. 388-389.

[6] J. Rahab 1989. Palestinian Costume, p. 121.

[7] Pracht und Geheimnis, p. 265.

[8] See this reel by Heather D. Ward on the kirdan in dance costumes

The Bedouin Silver blog gives credit where credit is due! Transparent referencing and citing sources helps us all grow. Would you like to do the same and quote this article? Here’s how:

S. van Roode, [write the title as you see it above this post], published on the Bedouin Silver website [paste the exact link to this article], accessed on [the date you are reading this article and decided it was useful for you].

The Bedouin Silver Jewellery Blog: Sigrid van Roode

Sigrid van Roode is an archeologist, ethnographer and jewellery historian. Her main field of expertise is jewellery from North Africa and Southwest Asia, as well as archaeological and archaeological revival jewellery. She has authored several books on jewellery, and obtained her PhD at Leiden University on jewellery, informal ritual and collections. Sigrid has lectured for the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden, Turquoise Mountain Jordan, and many others. She provides consultancy and research on jewellery collections for both museums and private collections, teaches courses and curates exhibitions. She is not involved in the business of buying and selling jewellery, and focuses on research, knowledge production, and education only. Sigrid strongly believes in accessibility of knowledge, and aims to provide reliable and trustworthy content: that’s why the Bedouin Silver blog provides references and citations.

This blog is free: if you’d like to support independent, self-funded research, please consider enrolling in a course or a jewellery talk, or donate here directly.

The proceeds directly support travel costs, book purchases, and the time needed to wite articles like this one: thank you so much for your support!

Amazigh fibulas of North Africa

Amazigh fibulas of North Africa

Dress and jewellery

Amazigh fibulas of North Africa: jewellery and identity

Published June 24, 2025

It’s the most iconic piece of Amazigh jewellery in North Africa: the fibula or clothing fastener. From the Atlantic coast of Morocco to the oases of Libya, Amazigh fibulas are both functional and highly symbolic. What is more, they reflect regional identities, social structures, and even showcase connections between landscape, dress, and daily life. So, let’s have a look at these beautiful objects of adornment!

What are Amazigh fibulas? Use, names & regional styles

What are Amazigh fibulas used for? Fibulas basically serve as fasteners. You’ll find them used on a variety of garments, including outer wraps, shawls, and head coverings. Their forms vary by region and community, ranging from simple functional items to more elaborately worked items that may also carry symbolic meaning.

While you may find them repurposed into pendants, that is not how they were used originally: they really are pins!

That capacity of joining two things together is also why there is also a lot of informal ritual involving fibulas: see more about that here!

What is the correct term for Amazigh fibulas?

The term fibula is obviously not local; it comes from Latin, where it referred broadly to a clasp or brooch used to fasten clothing. The use of garment pins dates back much earlier, though – examples made from metal and bone have been found in Bronze Age contexts across Europe, the Mediterranean, and North Africa.

The specific form most common in North Africa today, the rotating ring-and-pin mechanism, is associated with Roman innovations in clothing fasteners. These Roman-era brooches, widely distributed across the empire, introduced a functional design that remained in use and was adapted across different cultures over time.

While fibula is the standard term used in archaeological and art historical literature, the objects themselves are known by a range of local names in Amazigh communities. In Morocco, they are referred to as tizerzai or tisernas; in Algeria, terms such as adwir or tabzimt are used; and in Tunisia and Libya, they are commonly known as khlel. These vernacular terms reflect linguistic diversity, but also a regional variation in design and use.

Anatomy of a fibula: ring, pin, head, and variation

The most common type of fibula found in North Africa is based on the penannular brooch design. That is a ring that is incomplete or open at one point. A typical fibula consists of three main components:

1. The head: a terminal or decorative element at the end of the pin;

2. The ring: a circular or penannular ring;

3. The pin itself.

These elements are visible in the illustration above.

The large crescent-shaped fibulas of Libya and Tunisia follow the same design, but have no head: in these types, the ring is aggrandized to the point where it also becomes the eye-catcher.

How do you actually fasten a fibula…?

That’s a question I get asked a lot – so, here is how! To fasten a garment, the pin is pushed through two the layers of fabric that you’ll want to secure together. Push the pin through and bring it back to the front by perforating the fabrics again: by pushing it through and through, you’ll end up with the head of the pin and its lower half visible on the outside of your garment. Once in place, rotate the ring so that the pin lies across the gap in the ring. Push the pin through the gap, and twist the ring so the opening moves away from the pin itself. The tension between the ring and the fabric holds the pin securely, preventing it from slipping out. This design allows the fibula to act as both a clasp and a visual feature of the garment.

Here is a quick video showing you how it’s done! (click this link, and then scroll down to the bottom of the page)

Amazigh fibulas and dress

Obviously, fibulas are integrated with the textiles they secure. That in turn tells you a lot about those textiles just by looking at the pins themselves. Heavier, more substantial fibulas are used with robust fabrics, while lighter versions suggest finer or differently structured cloth.

The outer garments they secure are wraps: garments that envelop the body and shoulders. In winter, these would be heavy, wool wraps, and in summer they might be lighter fabrics.

You will notice that the heads of the fibulas are the heaviest part of the piece. That tells you where they would have been placed: not at the upper end, as you often see them in books, but at the lower end. The pins themselves stick out upwards, the head is pointed downwards. That is an important difference between theory and practice: fibulas are almost invariably depicted with their heads upwards and their pins downwards, but that is not how they would have been worn in real life!

How fibulas reflect Amazigh identity

Fibulas are part and parcel of the cultural practices of Amazigh communities. They are not simply adornments, but part of a broader visual and symbolic language that links body, clothing, architecture, and environment. And you know that is how I love to study jewellery: in its cultural context!

Because this allows us to understand how material culture communicates identity, memory, and place, rather than just admiring them as beautiful objects in a showcase.

This interconnectedness is of course very evident in recurring patterns and motifs. The same geometric forms found on fibulas frequently appear on carpets, blankets, pottery, and woodwork, suggesting a shared visual vocabulary across media.

But there is much more. Fibulas offer further insights into the world of their wearers, especially through the design of the pin head or terminal. This is the most visually prominent part of the fibula, and it often serves as a marker of regional or communal identity. Its shape and decoration vary by area, village, or group, allowing the piece to signal belonging and local affiliation.

These terminal forms often reference features from the wearer’s environment. They literally show us what that environment looked like, or what iys wearers considered important.

Some derive from animal forms, for example, the ram’s head motifs found in fibulas worn by the Ihahen of coastal Morocco, which may evoke associations with pastoral life. Others reflect built structures: domed tombs, arched doorways, or the stepped crenellations of kasbah walls.

These visual echoes suggest that fibulas do not only exist in relation to the body, or even just in relation to dress, but also participate in a wider cultural landscape – drawing meaning from the world around them and embedding that meaning into daily dress.

How fabulous is that, when your dress and jewellery fit into your surroundings…?

Amazigh fibulas today: living heritage & revival

Although Amazigh fibulas are no longer commonly worn in daily life, they still carry meaning. They are living heritage, and continue to be produced for ceremonial use, like local festivals, as well as for tourist markets. The fibula itself appears on beauty products, metalwork, and doors. It has grown into a symbol of Amazigh identity, notably in the diaspora – Amazigh fibulas of North Africa are still deeply meaningful and continue to evolve.


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References

Read more on fibulas and their cultural meaning here (not exhaustive, there is much more out there!):

Benfoughal, T. 1997. Bijoux et Bijoutiers de l’ Aurès. CNRS Editions, Paris

Cheylan, G. (ed.) 2007. Coutumes et décors de Tunisie. Ceres Éditions, Tunis

Eudel, P. 1906. Dictionnaire des Bijoux d’Afrique du Nord. Maroc, Algérie, Tunisie, Tripolitaine. Ernest Léroux, Paris

Gargouri-Sethom, S. & J. Pérez 2005. Les Bijoux de Tunisie. Dunes Editions, Tunis El Hafsia

Ghellali, H. 2024. Jewellery and Adornment of Libya. Blikveld Uitgevers Publishers, Zandvoort

Tamzali, W. 1984. Abzim. Parures et Bijoux des femmes d’Algérie. Dessain et Tolra, Entreprise algérienne de presse, Algers

The Bedouin Silver blog gives credit where credit is due! Transparent referencing and citing sources helps us all grow. Would you like to do the same and quote this article? Here’s how:

S. van Roode, [write the title as you see it above this post], published on the Bedouin Silver website [paste the exact link to this article], accessed on [the date you are reading this article and decided it was useful for you].

The Bedouin Silver Jewellery Blog: Sigrid van Roode

Sigrid van Roode is an archeologist, ethnographer and jewellery historian. Her main field of expertise is jewellery from North Africa and Southwest Asia, as well as archaeological and archaeological revival jewellery. She has authored several books on jewellery, and obtained her PhD at Leiden University on jewellery, informal ritual and collections. Sigrid has lectured for the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden, Turquoise Mountain Jordan, and many others. She provides consultancy and research on jewellery collections for both museums and private collections, teaches courses and curates exhibitions. She is not involved in the business of buying and selling jewellery, and focuses on research, knowledge production, and education only. Sigrid strongly believes in accessibility of knowledge, and aims to provide reliable and trustworthy content: that’s why the Bedouin Silver blog provides references and citations.

Silver grooming sets from Afghanistan: everyday tools with many meanings

Silver grooming sets from Afghanistan: everyday tools with many meanings

Vanity and faith

Silver grooming sets from Afghanistan: everyday tools with many meanings

Published May 27, 2025

Among the many forms of Afghan silver jewellery, one of the most charming is the silver grooming set. You’ll find them every now and then for sale on the Internet, and their description usually does not extend beyond ‘Kuchi grooming set’ or ‘Kuchi earspoon’. At first sight, these small pendants might look like simple trinkets, but they combine multiple roles: they were functional tools for personal care, amulets believed to offer protection, and jewellery worn as part of dress. Exploring them reveals how everyday objects could hold layered meanings in traditional Afghan culture, so let’s have a look at these!

Silver grooming tools from Afghanistan and cultural traditions

What do these tools look like? Typically, you’ll see them as an earspoon and a toothpick suspended from a ring: that is the basic pairing of tools. More elaborate sets also carry a pair of tweezers, they may be combined with other items such as perfume containers or kohl applicators.

Their use is not limited to Afghanistan, you’ll find these tiny items in many cultures around the world. And in all those cultures, their execution and style places them in the realm of jewellery: they have been designed and produced in the same styles as the local jewellery has.

They are small and portable, practical in everyday life, but also for hosting: Janata mentions that wealthier families in Afghanistan would have a set of these in their guest chambers – how’s that for hospitality? [1] The toothpick and earspoon allowed the user to maintain personal hygiene throughout the day, and were worn by both men and women. [2] And there is more to these than just vanity. In staying clean, one was also protecting oneself from the dangers of impurity – both social and spiritual. So, how does that work?

Spiritual and protective roles of Afghan silver grooming sets

You might think these are just vanity sets, aimed at keeping presentable throughout the day. But that is not all they do. In the Islamic tradition, personal hygiene is not a superficial concern. Cleanliness is repeatedly emphasized in religious texts: not only as a virtue, but as a form of protection. It’s believed that jinn are particularly attracted to filth and unclean environments. [3]

In this context, grooming is not just self-care; it’s spiritual defence. These silver tools were made for precisely that purpose: to maintain cleanliness in everyday situations as an act of faith.

But…that is also where the dilemma is.

The dilemma of beauty and the Evil Eye

Because these are pretty things, they may be dangerous. Jinn enjoy dirt, but they also love shining objects. Beauty attracts their jealousy and brings danger to humans. And these silver earspoons, tweezers, toothpicks….they shine!

In many communities across North Africa and Southwest Asia, beauty is not seen as harmless. It draws attention – and attention can bring harm. The concept of the evil eye (see much more about that in this blog article) is widespread, and believed to affect those who are particularly fortunate, healthy, or aesthetically pleasing. Shiny objects, in particular, are thought to attract jinn or malicious spirits, which are drawn to brightness.

And even worse, jinn may possess humans by entering them through the openings in the body: nose, ears, mouth…exactly those places you would be caring for with one of these tools. What if your shining, gleaming earspoon actually guides a jinn to your body?

How to reconcile these two points of view?

From grooming tools to Afghan silver jewellery and amulets

The solution is elegant and simple: they were made with built-in amuletic features. Tiny bells were attached, not just for aesthetic pleasure, but for their sound, intended to scare off harmful spirits. Beads in blue, a colour commonly associated with protective properties in the region, were also common. Red glass insets flash like a warning sign.

In this way, these grooming tools are hybrid objects. They are tools of hygiene and piety, but also talismans of protection. Their ambiguous nature reflects the balance their wearers sought to maintain: to remain clean and healthy, without drawing negative attention through their beauty.

Why Afghan silver grooming sets matter: context is everything

Silver grooming sets from Afghanistan blur the lines between the everyday and the symbolic. They were tools for hygiene, pieces of Afghan silver jewellery, and objects of faith. For the Kuchi and other Afghan communities, their value lay not only in their usefulness but also in their role as protective amulets. They are examples of how the everyday object, in traditional cultures, is rarely just ‘everyday’.

To use an earspoon or toothpick was not a private act of vanity. It has cultural and religious significance, too. It was part of being a clean, pious, and protected person. This dual role of ordinary objects is often overlooked, but once you catch a glimpse of the context they were used in, they make much more sense – and become even more meaningful!


Find out more about the symbolism of jewellery in the e-courses!

More posts on amulets, charms and magic? Browse them all here!

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References

[1] Janata, A. 1981. Silberschmuck aus Afghanistan, Graz, p. 180.

[2] Idem, p. 180.

[3] See my book Silver & Frankincense on how this works, or join the course on Scents of the Middle East

The Bedouin Silver blog gives credit where credit is due! Transparent referencing and citing sources helps us all grow. Would you like to do the same and quote this article? Here’s how:

S. van Roode, [write the title as you see it above this post], published on the Bedouin Silver website [paste the exact link to this article], accessed on [the date you are reading this article and decided it was useful for you].

The Bedouin Silver Jewellery Blog: Sigrid van Roode

Sigrid van Roode is an archeologist, ethnographer and jewellery historian. Her main field of expertise is jewellery from North Africa and Southwest Asia, as well as archaeological and archaeological revival jewellery. She has authored several books on jewellery, and obtained her PhD at Leiden University on jewellery, informal ritual and collections. Sigrid has lectured for the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden, Turquoise Mountain Jordan, and many others. She provides consultancy and research on jewellery collections for both museums and private collections, teaches courses and curates exhibitions. She is not involved in the business of buying and selling jewellery, and focuses on research, knowledge production, and education only. Sigrid strongly believes in accessibility of knowledge, and aims to provide reliable and trustworthy content: that’s why the Bedouin Silver blog provides references and citations.